August 14, 1998
Alaska sits at the top of the world, where harshness and beauty alternate. On most maps, it is remote. But from the perspective of a polar map, Alaska is close to everything. A crisis is developing today, and this strategically located state is key to its resolution.
This crisis results from two things, one old, the other new. The old thing—the tyranny of evil men—is obscured by the prosperity and seeming security we enjoy. Yet it is a real danger in the world today.
The danger is personified in the person of Saddam Hussein. He lives by the principle of domination. He is not developing Iraq into anything in particular. He is overwhelming it with his will. Nor is Iraq enough for him. He also wants Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Iran. If he had those, he would want more.
In China, though limited freedoms are emerging, communism remains the official doctrine. If you go to church in a Chinese city, the police may still appear—to beat you, break your legs, and drag you to jail. You have committed the offense of prayer. Prayer is an appeal beyond the authority of the politburo. The men who populate that body have risen to power upon the principle that there be no authority above them.
During his recent trip, President Clinton brought up practices like this to a Chinese leader, using carefully mild language. The Chinese leader replied by defending the massacre at Tiananmen. He steadfastly held to the exercise of violent, arbitrary power that is his highest principle.
Yet there is a universal standard that transcends the mores of individual nations. It is heralded most famously in the Declaration of Independence. “To secure these rights,” wrote Jefferson, “governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.” He does not say that only of our government. The statement is absolute.
Lincoln said of the American founders, “They meant to set up a standard maxim for free society, which should be familiar to all and revered by all. The assertion that ‘all men are created equal’ was of no practical use in effecting our separation from Great Britain; and it was placed in the Declaration, not for that, but for future use. Its authors meant it to be—as, thank God, it is now proving itself—a stumbling block to those who in after times might seek to turn a free people back into the hateful paths of despotism. They knew the proneness of prosperity to breed tyrants, and they meant when such should reappear in this fair land and commence their vocation, they should find left for them at least one hard nut to crack.”
Forget the cautious words of President Clinton in China. We must speak and act with the boldness of Jefferson and Lincoln. When deeds are tyrannical, we should call them so. And we must not trust anyone guilty of such acts.
The second part of this crisis springs from something new—technology. Technology’s blessings are providing us with an easier life. It is making Alaska itself more habitable.
But technology has a dark side. It used to require a great power to commit terrible destruction. Thus, we once could number our serious enemies on the fingers of one hand. Now every nation with a little wealth, or a bad friend, will soon have the ability to do us devastating harm. We must beware, not only of Iraq and China, but also of North Korea and Libya.
Alaska has a special part to play in this situation. It is near to, and trades with, Berlin, London, Tokyo, and Beijing. It is a cosmopolitan place, for all its isolation. Along with this is a strategic fact. We live in the era of air and space power. The shortest route between our country and most of the world is over Alaska, or close by. That is why we have some of our most capable and best equipped military units there. Consequently, the Alaskan people understand military things quite well. The recent resolution in the Alaska Legislature calling for a ballistic missile defense is a plain sign of this.
To protect Alaska, as well as the rest of our country, four simple things must be done:
(1) We must abrogate the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty. It was a terrible idea from the start. The Soviets broke it systematically. Then they disbanded. So we have today a bad agreement with a partner that no longer even exists.
(2) We must quickly deploy anti-ballistic missiles on Aegis cruisers. This could be done in two years if we had the will.
(3) We must build the infrastructure for a comprehensive system of defense, based on sea, ground, air, and space. It should incorporate the most refined technologies and the highest degree of coordination among all elements, including our intelligence services.
(4) We must represent the cause of freedom in the world. We have no need to apologize to dictators. Nor should we fail to befriend all nations of goodwill.
These four points begin a policy to achieve real safety. We alone have the capacity to develop such a comprehensive defense, and the proven character to be trusted with that power. Building it will deter not just an attack upon us, but also upon most peace loving countries. If we defend Alaska, which sits amidst so many nations, we also defend much of the Northern Hemisphere, and the whole of our country, too.
